Journal of Documentary and Archival Studies

Abstract
Introduction
The Timurid era (771–916 AH) is considered a remarkable era in the history of the Islamic world. Over this era, Mashhad emerged as a great princely seat, garnering significant patronage from monarchs such as Shahrokh (807–850 AH) and Soltan Hossein Bayqara (862–911 AH). The architectural synthesis of the Goharshad Mosque and various schools paved the way for the transformation of the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza (AS) into a significant place for political and administrative decisions.
Explicating the exact administrative origins of Astan Quds Razavi is still a historiographical challenge, but officials have consistently overseen the shrine’s affairs since the Ghaznavid period. Over the history these officials have been identified as Naqib, a title that transitioned to Motawalli or Naeb al-Towliya in the Safavid era. Primary archival documents are considered the most veracious sources for discovering the institutional evolutions; however, few original documents of the Timurid era have survived. The existing records are mainly used as copies in the contemporary royal letters (Monsha’at), such as the Munsha’ate Meybodi and the Khajeh Abdollah Morvarid’s Monsha’at. This study examined the diplomatics of these records, their informative value, and the structural differences among the decrees that issued by the Astan Quds Razavi or Sultan Hossein Bayqara.

Materials and Methods
Using a documentary-archival method and focusing on both diplomatics and substantive content analysis, this study explored one decree (Neshan) and two mandates (Manshours). The first document (issued in 845 AH), preserved in the Safineh manuscript at the National Library, authorizes the collection of votive offerings. It was issued to Sayyid Ahmad al-Mashhadi by two prominent Mousavi Sayyids, Mohammad ibn Abd al-Muttalib and Ali Akbar ibn Ala al-Din, authorizing him to gather donations for the Holy Shrine. The second document (the copy of the decree of Imam), found in the Al-Mashikhah (Kanz al-Salekin) manuscript, this document was issued by the supervisors (noqaba) of the Holy Shrine to honor and express gratitude toward Hamouei Yazdi upon his departure from Mashhad (Hamuei, 1399/2020, pp. 130-136). The third document is The imperial Manshur of Sultan Hussein Bayqara (906 AH), a administrative mandate, issued by the sovereign in favor of Salek al-Din Mohammad Hamouei as he traveled from Herat to Yazd. It commands provincial governors and road wardens to ensure his protection and provide an escort to his destination (Hamuei, 1399/2020, pp. 137-138). Archival method was used to explore all aspects of the originality of the documents, and systematically rewrite it. The data was categorized into informative tables to facilitate a comparative analysis of structural elements and institutional hierarchies.

Results
The explored documents showed the remarkable administrative significance and institutional prestige of the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza (AS) over the Timurid era. The Mousavi and Razavi Sayyids were not merely religious personalities but belonged to the great scholarly and political elite of this period. Their religious and political status, as well as the sacral legitimacy of the Holy Shrine, created a unique power and empowered the organization to issue its decrees and mandates for internal governance. The structural features of Astan Quds Razavi’s documents show distinct nuances when compared to those issued by the Timurid imperial court. The macro structure show certain formal similarities, but a significant divergence is evident in the the conclusion of the document. Specifically, the linguistic register shifts from the categorical and imperative tone of the imperial mandates to a highly respectful tone of the decrees issued by the authorities of the Holy Shrine.

Conclusion
The analysis of these documents showed the operational mechanisms of religious organizations in this era and demonstrated the strategic patronage extended by Timurid monarchs toward a Shiite center of power. Historically, studies have confined Timurid support for the Holy Shrine to the realm of architectural endowments and material gifts; however, this study revealed the administrative autonomy and the extent of jurisdictional authority held by the Holy Shrine. A comparative study of Astan Quds documents and imperial mandates revealed that, due to the different nature of their issuance, they are fundamentally distinct in both rhetorical tone and content.

Abstract Abstract Among the corpus of contemporary Iranian local journalism, the data of the Sedaye Neyshabur magazine is under researched. Initiated in 1331 SH/1952 AD, the publication of this periodical coincides with the resignation of Mosaddegh, but its publication ended in Esfand 1334 SH (March 1956). The Astan Quds Razavi Organization of Libraries, Museums, and Documentation Center holds 202 issues of this magazine. These issues reflect the fluctuations of Neyshabur. This study tried to investigate the religious and cultural changes during a four-year period, highlighting the sociological perspectives regarding the resolution of these crises. Thus study used a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the cultural and religious conditions of this era and show the concerns and strategic responses of the elite regarding the multifaceted challenges of Iran during this critical historical period. Extended Abstract Introduction Published between 1331 and 1334 SH (1952-1956), Sedaye Neyshabur magazine is one of the primary sources for analyzing the cultural, religious, and social changes of contemporary Iran, specifically within the city of Neyshabur. Despite its historical value, few analytical studies concerning its content have been done. This study tried to examine the role of Sedaye Neyshabur in representing the religious and cultural issues of Neyshabur’s urban society and the intellectual responses to the crises of that period. Materials and Methods This descriptive-analytical study relied on the data of 202 issues of this magazine, which was published regularly over approximately four years. The method included the extraction of religious, cultural, and social debates. This step was followed by a textual content analysis and the categorization of perspectives and editorial stances across two periods of before and after 1953 coup d'état in Iran. Results The results showed that the religious and cultural themes is salient in this magazine, and the content involves hadiths, narrations, and religious rituals. Before the coup, the religious concepts were often integrated with political debates; however, in the post-coup period, the content shifted toward a more traditional and purely religious orientation. Furthermore, the periodical emphasized the enhancement of social consciousness, especially it advocated female education, the modernization of the pedagogical system, and the establishment of new educational institutions. Discussion and Conclusion The cultural-religious ground of the periodical has played a significant role in reflecting the socio-cultural concerns of that time. The shift of this magazine after the coup that was moving from a connection between religion and politics toward the consolidation of religious traditions, reflects the broader socio-political transitions of the era. The emphasis on education, especially women’s literacy, shows the periodical's concern to enlightenment and cultural cultivation of the local community. This study contributes to a better understanding of the role of local periodicals in the contemporary history of Iran.

Abstract Abstract
Mir Damad (died in 1040 AH/1649 AD) was a knowledgeable scholar of the Safavid era, descended from the scholarly lineages of Jabal Amel and Mar’ash in Sham who migrated to Iran. He wrote several works and educated a significant group of students, teaching both the rational (Ma'ghoul) and traditional (Manghoul) sciences over many years in his home in such places as Khorasan, Qazvin, and Isfahan. Despite his influence, many of his disciples remain unknown. In the contemporary era, with the systematic editing and publication of his manuscripts, it has become possible to identify previously unknown students by exploring fragmented papers, monographs, and marginalia. This study tried to introduce specific manuscripts of Mir Damad’s works found in the personal library of Sheikh Mohammad Khatoun Ameli (died in 1059 AH) and other libraries. Through analyzing this data, this study reassessed the relationship between Mir Damad and his contemporary, Ibn Khatoun. The findings showed that Sheikh Mohammad Khatoun, the prominent statesman of the Qutb Shahi dynasty, had a scholarly relationship with Mir Damad and seems to be his disciple.
Keywords: Ibn Khatoun, Astan Quds Razavi, Mohammad Baqer Hosseini Astarabadi, Qutb Shahi Dynasty

Extended Abstract
Introduction
Mir Mohammad Baqer ibn Mohammad Hosseini Astarabadi (died in 1631 AH), widely known as “Mir Damad” and the “Third Teacher”, was a knowledgeable Shia philosopher of the Safavid period. Characterized as a universal scholar, he possessed mastery over philosophy, theology (Kalam), natural sciences, mathematics, jurisprudence, and legal theory. He exerted a foundational influence on the development of Transcendental Wisdom through his most famous student, Mulla Sadra. Mir Damad's works are more than one hundred titles, including books, treatises, commentaries, and marginalia, with Al-Qabasat regarded as his significant philosophical work. Mir Damad descended from the scholarly families of Jabal Amel and Mar’ash (Lebanon and Syria) who migrated to Iran, maintaining close ties with the family of Al-Muhaghegh Karaki (died in 940 AH). During his scientific prime, he trained many notable disciples while teaching rational and traditional sciences in various cities. Hakim Agha Ali Modarres Tehrani (died 1307 AH) states in his Tabaghat Hokamaye Mota’khkerin that three hundred students of Mir Damad attained the rank of Ijtihad, and most of them ascended to the heights rank in the principles of faith. It seems that Mir Damad’s students are numerous and many of them are yet unknown.

Materials and Methods
In the contemporary era, characterized by the systematic editing and publication of numerous manuscripts and the increased accessibility of Mir Damad’s works, one can obtain historical evidence from his fragmented manuscripts, monographs, and scholarly notes. These sources can make pave the way for the identification and introduction of Mir Damad’s unknown disciples. This study used a descriptive-analytical method as well as an inductive strategy to various primary sources. It introduced several manuscripts of Mir Damad’s works held in the private library of Sheikh Mohammad Khatoun Ameli (died in 1059 AH) and other repositories to analyze and reassess the scholarly status and relationship of this contemporary scholar to Mir Damad.

Results
Mir Damad engaged in the instruction of both rational and traditional sciences for many years in his residences, particularly in Qazvin and Isfahan. He taught many works, such as Al-Qabasat, Al-Ofuq al-Mubin, Iimazat, and Taqdisat. Consequently, his circle of disciples extends far beyond the limited individuals cited in books and many of them are yet unknown. One of these students is Sheikh Mohammad Khatoun Ameli. His life and interaction with his master need to be explored.

Discussion and Conclusion
Through exploring many sources and licenses, the names of forty disciples of Mir Damad were identified and introduced. Twelve of these people are relatively unknown, and their precise status as disciples or the exact nature of their interaction with Mir Damad are not clear. On the other hand, some evidence show that Sheikh Mohammad Khatoun was indeed among the disciples of Mir Damad. Some of these supporting evidence are: A) the presence of works of Mir Damad and his prominent students in the Khatoun library; B) some notes found in manuscripts that show a direct scholarly student and master relationship; C) the chronological and geographical alignment of Ibn Khatoun’s living places in Mashhad, Qazvin, and Isfahan with Mir Damad’s life and teaching period in those same cities.
Sheikh Mohammad Khatoun, famously known as Ibn Khatoun Ameli, belonged to the distinguished Ale Khatoun lineage that migrated to Iran and then to India. He was the nephew of Sheikh Bahaei, who provided an endorsement and a license for Ibn Khatoun’s translation and commentary on his book Arbaein. Ibn Khatoun was a knowledgeable scholar with many skills, a jurist, and poet, who worked about twenty years as the Peshwa or prime minister to Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah in Southern India. He established a significant education center in Hyderabad and trained many students.

Abstract
Introduction
The first attempts for using microphotography occurred in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 as a means for transmitting military information. Then, the initial practical applications of microfilm for the security of checks and financial instruments occurred in the US in the 1920s and in British banking system in 1936. Moreover, World War II enhanced the extensive use of microfilm for its logistical reasons, leading to its widespread proliferation in European countries in the 1950s and 1960s. In Iran, during the 1950s and 1960s, producing microfilming was done by the Majles Library and the University of Tehran due to factors such as long-term durability, the preservation of original manuscripts and archival documents, the creation of backups, and the selling of images. Following these two libraries, the Astan Quds Razavi in the late 1960s took initiatives in this regard the first non-governmental religious organization. However, no scholarly research has done in this regard. While European and American organizations initially used microfilm for commercial and military objectives before applying it to historical preservation, but Iranian institutions used it for cultural purposes. This study tried to emphasize the teleological distinction between Iranian and Western approaches and meticulously explore the establishment and evolutionary trajectory of the Microfilm Department of the Astan Quds Razavi Library between 1969 and 2005.

Materials and Methods
To achieve the aforementioned objective, this study used a descriptive-analytical approach, drawing upon oral histories and archival documentation as well as existing library resources. The main data corpus consists of 575 minutes of interviews with Mr. Naseri Mehr (the first official head of the Department of Filmtheque). Moreover, 1,050 documents pertaining to the department's operations were reviewed.

Results and Discussion
During the period of 1969-1971, under the custodianship of Pirnia and the administration of Dr. Rajaei (the General Director of Cultural Affairs at Astan Quds Razavi), the proposal for founding a microfilm department was formally presented. The major objectives were providing specialized services to researchers and generating backups of rare and invaluable manuscripts. In 1969, following an initial valuation of required equipment at 262,000 Tomans, the decision was made to buy technology from the Microbox Corporation. However, the first formal requisition for equipment was December 3, 1972 (12 Azar 1351). In following years, additional apparatus was purchased from different international firms such as Microbox, Zeutschel, Leitz, and Agfa, through domestic intermediaries or in some cases, directly from these corporations. Finally, the Microfilm Department was officially inaugurated on January 21, 1973, under the custodianship of Zahedi (1971–1974) and Dr. Rajaei, and Ali Ayria was appointed as director. Both before and after the Islamic Revolution, meticulous standards were maintained regarding the purchase and preservation of equipment and materials. Accordingly, the department remained a focal point of interest for visiting domestic and international authorities. In the pre-revolutionary period, despite an official emphasis on microfilming the manuscripts, the selection process often depended on researchers’ requests. The clientele was restricted to a limited group of scholars and organizations. During this period, the highest volume of requests was from the Faculty of Theology and Islamic Studies and the Faculty of Letters and Humanities of the University of Mashhad (now known as FUM), as well as the Central Library and Documentation Center of the University of Tehran. The Library of Astan Quds bought modern technology, but it lacked a robust long-term support for the systematic microfilming of manuscripts, documents, and endowment deeds. As the Pahlavi era approached its end, the department’s operations were increasingly marginalized. Under the administration of Valiyan, photography dominated other fields of the microfilming. Photography and microfilm operations remained integrated until the Islamic Revolution. The Islamic Revolution marked a definitive paradigm shift in cultural perspective and can be considered a historical turning point in this field. Beyond the library’s custodianship, high-ranking state officials paid special attention to this department. The photography and microfilm departments were separated. The former continued under the Public Relations Department, while the Filmtheque, following the reevaluation of the library’s organizational chart, came to be part of the manuscripts. This restructuring resulted in a more rigorous approach to microfilming manuscripts, archival records, and endowment deeds. Furthermore, the department transitioned from an exclusive venue for a limited group of researchers or visiting dignitaries to a service-oriented entity catering to a wide range of people. International collaborations with regional countries were also significantly made. From its beginning until early 2002, the department produced roughly 35,000 to 40,000 microfilm reels, which is very remarkable considering the non-governmental nature of this organization.

Abstract In 1908, the city of Mashhad experienced one of the most turbulent periods in its history, which was an era characterized by the consequences of the Constitutional Revolution, the weakness of central governmental authority, urban instability, and the increase of foreign interventions. This study used confidential documents of the British Consulate and explored the socio-political, and security status of Mashhad during this critical period. The main aim of this research is to see how the British Consulate narrated, analyzed, and occasionally managed the crises in Mashhad, and to identify the specific image these confidential reports show about power dynamics, insecurity, and political rivalries in Eastern Iran. This research used an historical-analytical method and was conducted based on the analysis of confidential consular reports, official correspondence and British political documents. These documents were analyzed considering the context of Iran's conditions, England and Russia rivalries, and Mashhad’s strategic and religious status. The results showed that Britain’s consular reports were not merely instruments of information but functioned as vital part of for influence and strategic decision-making by foreign powers. The findings of this study showed that the British Consulate describes Mashhad as a volatile city, susceptible to insurrection and sensitive in terms of regional security. The main themes of these reports are pervasive insecurity, the weakness of governmental forces, the influence of local actors, and fear of Russian expansionism. These narratives make a clear image of the fragility of Qajar government and the significance of Mashhad in the political arena of Eastern Iran. This study tried to critically reassess Mashhad in the crisis era using consular documentation.


Extended Abstract
Introduction
In 1908, the city of Mashhad experienced one of the most sensitive and turbulent periods of its history. That period was an era characterized by the consequences of the Constitutional Revolution, the weakness of central governmental authority of Qajar, increase of urban instability, and the enhance of foreign interventions. Mashhad's religious status as well as its strategic position in Eastern Iran and proximity to the areas of influence of Tsarist Russia, made this city the main focus for foreign consulates, especially the Great Britain.
The main aim of this study was to see how the British Consulate portrayed the socio-political, and security crises of Mashhad in its confidential reports, and what image these reports show about the status of governance, urban order, and power conflicts in Eastern Iran. It tried to critically explore these documents for better understanding of Mashhad's role in Iran's domestic and international relationships in early 20th century.

Materials and Methods
This study took a historical-analytical approach. The corpus of materials consists of confidential reports of the British Consulate, official correspondence, telegrams, and political documents pertaining to the year 1908. Content analysis was done on these documents and simultaneously the context of the political developments of Qajar Iran, the Anglo-Russian rivalry, and the specific conditions of Mashhad were considered.
In addition to the documents of this consulate, written historical sources and researches related to the Constitutional Revolution, the history of Mashhad, and British foreign policy in Iran were analyzed. Qualitative data analysis was applied to identify such concepts as insecurity, the crisis of sovereignty, the role of local actors, and Britain's geopolitical concerns.

Results
The findings showed that the British Consulate described Mashhad as a volatile, crisis-stricken city, susceptible to the uprising of the public. The reports highlight the weakness of of governmental forces, the inability to maintain public order, and the fragmentation of power among local authorities, the clergy, and informal armed groups. Moreover, the documents showed that Britain analyzed the developments of Mashhad not only as internal affairs, but also in the context of its competition with Russia. Accordingly, it interpreted any riot in Mashhad as a potential threat to the Britain’s regional interests. These reports clearly describe the fragility of Qajar in Eastern Iran and the significance of the consulate in political decision-makings.

Discussion and Conclusion
The analysis of the British Consulate’s confidential reports showed that the crisis of Mashhad in 1908 is the result of the convergence of internal and external factors. The weakness of the governmental structure, the consequences of the Constitutional Revolution, and the indirect interventions of foreign powers turned the urban space of Mashhad to an arena of instability and political rivalries.
This study showed that these reports not only reflected of reality but also were part of Britain's mechanism for influence and crisis management. Investigating these documents yields a better understanding of Mashhad's position in power relations, the role of information in foreign policy, and the limitations of Qajar sovereignty. At the end, this study showed that the crisis of Mashhad is an illustrative example of the challenges of Qajar state in maintaining urban authority in a period of political transition.

Abstract Abstract The expansive administrative services of the Astan Quds Razavi, established during the Safavid era, resulted in the emergence of numerous jobs, following the central government. Among these jobs are Mohrdar (seal holder), Hakkak (engraver or seal maker), and Mohr Foroush (seal vendor). The seal bearing not only preserved seals but also had the task of the formal authentication of documents and decrees. Hakkak refers to the one who engraves inscriptions or images on gemstones or metals, designated as a “seal maker” when his work is in seal making. The Seal holder occupied a high-ranking bureaucratic position that persisted until the end of the Qajar era; however, the transition to signatures during the Pahlavi era made this job obsolete and led to the decline of seal engraving. Archival evidence show that the seal holder belonged to the administrative elite and had a significant socio-cultural, economic, and intellectual status. Their seal impressions can be found on promissory notes and financial disbursements of the Holy Shrine. The significance of this job during the Qajar period led to the creation of the Mohrdar Bashi position and the emergence of seal seller. Furthermore, some high-ranking officials had their own seal holders. The seal seller acted as an intermediary, selling seals produced by engravers in exchange for a commission. Notable among the engravers of the Qajar era was Mohammad Taher Hakkak, known as the Hakkak Bashi of the Holy Shrine. His workshop was in the Sahne Jadid of the Holy Shrine. Extended Abstract Introduction Lexicographically, a seal (mohr) denotes a sign or mark, while the seal holder is the custodian of such instruments. Traditionally the individual was entrusted with the kings’ seals. This role encompassed both the preservation of the seals and the act of affixing them to official documents and registers. The engraver is the craftsman who carves a text or image onto precious stones or metallic surfaces. The seal bearing and engraving in Iran goes back to the ancient Iran, when Sassanid kings used many seals for specific administrative functions, necessitating the formal job of the seal bearing for their security and application. During the Islamic era, the Arabs appointed a secretary as the Sahib al-Zamam to manage the caliph’s seals, a role functionally like the Persian royal seal holder. Under the Mongol and Ilkhanid administrations, these duties were done by the Bitikchis. Safavid sources show three distinct seal holders at courts, known as the Mohrdar of the Mohre Homayoun, the Mohrdar of the Mohre Sharaf Nefaz, and the Mohrdar of the Mohre Asaar. As the seal became central to bureaucratic legitimacy, the art of engraving gained a high status. However, with the modernization of administrative practices and the ascendancy of the signature in the Pahlavi period, the position of seal bearing became extinct, and the demand for seal engraving diminished, although this art persisted in other domains such as creating artistic ceramics, metal works, stone works, copper works, and lapidary arts. In the administrative of the Astan Quds Razavi that followed the imperial court, the seal bearing and engraving jobs date back to the Safavid era. These roles account for a substantial portion of the archival records of the Holy Shrine. Consequently, analyzing the status of the seal holder and engraver as archaic and extinct professions is of significant academic merit. This study tried to explore the role and status of the seal holder and engraver in the bureaucratic context of Astan Quds Razavi through exploring the following issues: 1) the methods of appointment of seal holders and engravers, their professional mandates, and their salaries; 2) the number of these professionals in different historical periods and their socio-cultural, economic, and intellectual standings; 3) the number of surviving documents concerning these roles and the specific titles attributed to them in the three historical eras; 4) the functional role of the seal vendor. Materials and Methods The documents survived from the Safavid era on the administrative organization of the Astan Quds Razavi, preserved in the organization’s archives, have invaluable data on seal-related professions. The archive includes 2,494 documents referencing the profession of the seal holder, 913 concerning the engraver, 50 about the Hakkak Bashi (chief engraver), 34 regarding the Mohrsaz (seal maker), and 15 pertaining to the Mohrforoush (seal vendor). Most of these documents date back to the Qajar period. This study used a descriptive-analytical method to categorize these documents chronologically, specifically highlighting engravers whose collaboration with the Astan Quds Razavi was strictly limited to making seals. Results Documentary analysis showed that the profession of the seal holding and the art of the engraver performed pivotal functions in the administrative and fiscal systems of this religious organization. However, the modernization processes of the Pahlavi era resulted in the obsolescence of these roles and a shift in document authentication methods. Other researches can use the findings of this study to reconstruct the intricate socio-economic networks of these jobs more precisely. Though the seal holder of the Holy Shrine did not equate to the imperial seal holder in terms of rank or salary, they were among the most trusted confidants of the custodian and were high-ranked administrative officials of the organization. Socially, they were regarded as intellectual and cultural personalities. Entrusted with the custody of the Shrine’s seals and the authentication of records, their seal impressions are visible on the majority of financial disbursements and payment orders, especially on the documents of the Qajar era. In the Safavid and Afsharid periods, they were appointed by the imperial court, whereas in the Qajar era, the appointment was made by the presiding custodian. The sensitivity of this role in the Qajar period led to the emergence of the Mohrdar Bashi (chief seal holder) and the Mohr Foroush (seal vendor). Furthermore, top officials such as the Motawalli, the Mostowfi, and the Nazer each maintained private seal holders. The seal vendor acted as a commercial intermediary for the engraver, receiving a commission for the sales. The work of the engraver involved the delicate engraving of metals and gemstones for seals, talismans, and coins. This traditional handicraft employed both intaglio and relief techniques. Mohammad Taher Hakkak, a well-known artist of the Qajar era was the Hakkak Bashi of the Holy Shrine. He was engaging in both seal production and coin engraving. Other engravers were either employed in the Keshiki (guard) services or received gratifications and wages for specific services. Mohammad Taher’s workshop was in the Sahne Jadid of the Holy Shrine. Several seal holders and engravers are buried in the courtyards of the Holy Shrine.

Abstract
The institution of waqf (charitable endowment) has long been one of the most enduring socio-economic mechanisms in Iranian society, particularly within urban and semi-urban settings. Throughout different historical periods, waqf served as an effective instrument for sustaining religious, educational, and public services, while also contributing to the social and economic organization of local communities.
In northern Iran, particularly in the province of Barforush, waqf constituted a significant institution in the formation of local social structures, property ownership patterns, and communal religious life. By regulating the allocation and management of endowed assets, waqf played an essential role in sustaining religious activities and influencing the socio-economic dynamics of local society.
Despite the significance of this institution, the local dynamics of waqf formation and its social consequences in Barforush during the pre-Qajar period have received limited scholarly attention. This study seeks to address this gap by providing an analytical examination of the types and functions of waqf endowments in Barforush from the mid-Safavid period to the end of the Zand era.
The primary objective of this study is to analyze the diversity of waqf properties and their functional roles, alongside an examination of the social status and position of the waqf founders (waqifs) who established these endowments. The main research questions of this study are organized around three interrelated dimensions: first, the types of properties endowed in Barforush between 1065 and 1203 AH (1654–1789); second, the religious, educational, and urban functions fulfilled by these endowments; and third, the extent to which these patterns correspond to changes in the social composition of waqf founders during the Safavid and Zand periods.
Methodology: This study adopts an analytical approach to the social history of waqf to analyzes the relevant documentary sources. The primary sources of this study consist of surviving waqf deeds from Barforush, which are regarded not only as legal instruments but also as social documents reflecting the values, priorities, and material capacities of their founders. Through systematic examination and classification, data were extracted concerning the types of endowed properties, the declared intentions of the waqf founders, their titles or occupations, and the chronological context of each endowment. These data were then analyzed within their broader historical and social contexts, allowing for an interpretation of the various patterns and practices of waqf formation during the period under study.
The findings reveal a significant diversity in both the material forms and functional purposes of waqf in Barforush. The endowed properties included agricultural lands, commercial shops, public bathhouses (hammams), gardens, residential houses, and, in some cases, larger architectural units such as mansions. This diversity reflects the diversified economic structure of Barforush, where agricultural production, market activities, and urban services coexisted and mutually reinforced one another.
From a functional perspective, the waqf deeds reveal a wide range of intended purposes. These include ritual and devotional functions, such as providing food for commemorative ceremonies of Imam Husayn (peace be upon him); educational functions, including financial support for students of religious sciences and the maintenance of schools; religious service functions, such as the repair, lighting, and upkeep of mosques and shrines; and urban-religious functions related to the support of religious personnel and the maintenance of public religious spaces.
A comparison between the Safavid and Zand periods reveals significant differences. During the Safavid era, waqf activity was predominantly associated with individuals holding religious or honorific-administrative titles, and their endowments largely served to reinforce ritual practices and shrine-centered religious life in line with Safavid sectarian policies. In contrast, a broader pattern of social participations is observed the establishment of waqf during the Zand period, as artisans, merchants, and commercial professionals increasingly appeared among benefactors. This shift reflects transformations in Barforush’s urban economy. It also highlights the growing importance of waqf as a mechanism for financing educational institutions and sustaining religious and urban infrastructure in a more localized and socially inclusive manner.
This study concludes that waqf in Barforush was more than a purely devotional or charitable practice. Rather, it functioned as a durable social mechanism through which benefactors could consolidate their moral legitimacy and enhance their social standing, while simultaneously securing a lasting economic presence within the urban community. The transformation observed from the late Safavid to the Zand period reflects the adaptability of waqf practices to shifts in social composition and changing civic needs. In this regard, the waqf system in Barforush both mirrored existing social structures and actively contributed to the formation and reproduction of the city’s religious, educational, and urban order in the pre-Qajar period.

Abstract Abstract The Holy Shrine of Imam Reza is one of the first religious places in Iran that installed mechanical clocks, an advancement aimed at facilitating precise timekeeping for daily prayers through the expertise of Iranian specialists proficient in various sciences and industries. During the Safavid period (907–1148 AH), European travelers claimed that clock production and maintenance were exclusively belonged to Europeans, but the documents held in the Astan Quds Razavi Documentation Center show a contrasting reality. These documents show that in the administrative structure of the Holy Shrine, it was primarily Iranian artists who were clockmaker. Due to the critical nature of temporal precision, revenues from general and specific endowments were allocated for the procurement, maintenance, and technological equipping of these timepieces. This study is considered the first comprehensive study about the archival evidence on the history of mechanical clocks in the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza, the resident clockmakers, technical repairs, and the specific endowments dedicated to horological expenditures from the Safavid era onwards. Extended Abstract Introduction Man has always used various methods to measure time. Iranians have long been acquainted with temporal units, originally using sundials and water clocks. Following the advent of Islam in Iran, rudimentary solar indicators became prevalent in mosques. For Muslims, the meticulous observation of time was significant, as the five daily prayers, fasting, and the performance of Hajj rituals required precise chronological accuracy. Consequently, the science of Miqat (the knowledge of timekeeping) emerged, integrating technology into the religious life of people. This increased the reliance on water and solar clocks in sacred spaces. According to the travelogues of European visitors such as Tavernier and Chardin, mechanical clocks entered Iran in the Safavid era, likely in the reign of Shah Abbas I, through the establishment of trading houses in Isfahan that specialized in the importation of timepieces. However, early historical narratives show that since these instruments were limited in number and their maintenance was managed by foreigners, their use was limited to the monarchy and the elite. Traditional methods remained the main tools of time determination in most religious centers. In the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza, traditional methods included the renowned solar index of the Goharshad Mosque, the construction of which is attributed by archival evidence to the scholar Sheikh Bahaei. Moreover, the Naqqarehkhaneh (drum tower) played a significant role, announcing sunrise, sunset, and the prescribed religious times for the performance of rituals. Objectives Given the significance of timekeeping in religious centers for the performance of prayers and the determination of Owghat Sharei, several critical inquiries arise: Was the implementation of mechanical clocks customary in religious centers, and when did this transition occur? What is the historical evolutionary trajectory of these timepieces? Due to the significance of temporal measurement since the Safavid era, to what extent were the revenues from general and specific endowments used for the repairment, maintenance, and technological upgrading of the Shrine's clocks? Review of Literature A review of studies on clockmaking in the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza reveals that no independent study based on historical documents has yet focused the chronological evolution of these timepieces from the Safavid era. The literature shows only trivial data, primarily focused on the Qajar era. Consequently, this study tried to fill a significant historiographical gap by exploring the administrative documents of the Astan Quds Razavi from the Safavid era onward to provide scholars with comprehensive data. Literature regarding the history of horology in Iran can be categorized as follows. The first category is papers: Early works include Pejman Bakhtiari’s translation in Armaghan (1306/1927), and Sepanta’s (1363/1984) study on the artistic and technical aspects of Iranian clocks. Other notable contributions are Nourbakhsh (1366/1987) on mechanical clocks, Sedaghatkish (n.d.) on general horology, Ghayebi (n.d.) on timekeeping in ancient Iran, and Ehyaei’s (n.d.) work on sundial construction. Moreover, Gheyasian and Mashhadi Noushabadi (1401/2022) analyzed the typology of the three clocks in Kashan's Emadi complex during the Timurid and Safavid periods. The second category is books: The History of Chronometry and the Clockmaking Industry (Karimian Sardashti, 1384/2005) is the most extensive general research in the field, yet it lacks specific reference to the horological history of the Holy Shrine. Moreover, regarding works specific to the Imam Reza Holy Shrine: Brief mentions of clocks exist in the Khorasan Guide (Shariati, 1345/1966), The History of Astan Quds (Motamen, 1348/1969), Shams al-Shomous (Ehtesham Kaviyanian, 1354/1975), and The History of Astan Quds Razavi (Ataradi, 1992). Articles such as Enduring Ticks and Tocks (Nafarman, 1384/2005) also deals with the subject. The first volume of the Astan Quds Razavi Encyclopedia contains an entry on "Clocks of Astan Quds", providing the first brief mention of Mohammad Karim, a clockmaker of the Safavid era , before detailing the installations in the Old and New Courtyards from the Qajar era. Materials and Methods This study is historical research that used a descriptive-analytical approach and focused on primary historical sources, specifically the administrative and administrative documents of the Astan Quds Razavi. Content analysis was done on a corpus of 234 documents from the Safavid and Afsharid periods (88 and 146 documents, respectively). Using these documents, the research explored professional titles, the identities of personnel, remuneration scales and types, and expenditures related to the tools and materials used for the repair and restoration of clocks. These elements characterize the Safavid and Afsharid eras as pivotal historical periods for the integration and maintenance of horological technology in the Imam Reza Holy Shrine. Conclusion The Holy Shrine stands as the pioneering religious sanctuary in Iran that integrated mechanical clocks into its sacred architecture. This implementation was driven by the spiritual exigencies of pilgrims that tried to maximize their devotional engagement and the administrative necessity for staff to provide structured services. Administrative documents and correspondence of the Safavid and Afsharid eras showed that the Safavid monarchs, followed by Nader Shah Afshar, were totally committed to the structural expansion of the Holy Shrine, using contemporary industries to facilitate the experience of pilgrims and residents. To this end, clocks were installed across various sectors of the Imam Reza Holy Shrine, as precise timekeeping was considered an essential requirement for the optimal performance of diverse rituals. Consequently, specialized clockmakers were appointed for the construction and repairment of these instruments. Clockmaking became a pivotal role in the administrative part, eventually evolving into a hereditary profession passed from father to son. Moreover, these timepieces were maintained by the skilled hands of the staff of the Holy Shrine, including polymathic artisans referred to in archival documents as Nader al-Asri. Recognizing the spiritual value of temporal measurement, benevolent donors from the Safavid period onward allocated revenues from general and specific endowments such as the Gowde Solouk farm and direct offerings to the zarih and pilgrims' gifts, for the purchasing, repairing, and technological upgrading of the Shrine's horological systems and the remuneration of its specialists.

Abstract In Qajar era, servants were mainly divided into eunuchs (khajehs), slaves (gholams), and handmaidens (kanizes), who were employed for different services. Apart from Iranian eunuchs, who mostly were congenital and sometimes deliberately castrated, most eunuchs of Qajar society were blacks, entered Iran from Africa through the Persian Gulf. This study sought to see the role and social status of eunuchs over the Qajar era. The results indicated that since employing eunuchs was expensive, this group were mostly employed to be in service of the high strata of society such as merchants and princes. They were mainly in the court, doing a variety of domestic and non-domestic activities. It is noteworthy that the eunuchs working in the court held a special status because of their closeness to the top powers. Even, some could gain kings’ attention, and consequently, achieve high positions and change their own social class. Taking a socio-historical approach, this study applied a descriptive-analytical method and relied on library resources and archival documents to answer the related question.