Journal of Documentary and Archival Studies

Abstract Documents, as one of the most important research sources, are of great importance and value in historical research and are considered to be indicative of the developments of a human society. The aim of this research is to propose new topics regarding the headbook as one of the types of civil records of the Qajar period from two perspectives: external structure and content. The present research method is an analytical archival method that was obtained from examining 15,065 pages of documents available in the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center. The time range of the above documents is 1252-1316 AH. In this research, an attempt has been made to answer the questions of this research by raising the issue of the content and method of organizing these records. The background of the research shows that no independent research has been conducted on headbook so far. The importance of these booklets is that by examining them, useful information can be obtained regarding the civil system of the middle Qajar period. The findings show that the organization of these books had a special order. This book has two chapters of documents and justifications and regulations. The documents chapter is divided into two sections: Abawāb al-Mal and Arbāb al-Tahāwil and Tahāsil. Taxes and other forms are included in the sub-section of Abawāb al-Mal. The tax section included income from the location of the tribes, livestock and provinces. The provinces were included in the sub-section of the states of Azerbaijan, Khorasan, Gilan, Mazandaran, Iraq and Fars. The other forms section included the branches of the provinces and other forms. Arbāb al-Tahāwil and Tahāsil also included the royal treasury receivers and tax collectors. The justifications and regulations chapter included the civil expenses on the basis of which bills were issued. The regulations section also came with three sections: Abawāb al-Mal, Provinces and Miscellaneous, containing copies of the kings' decrees as documentation of expenses.

Abstract In the early 20th century, the constitutionalism movement in Iran is a social movement that wanted to establish justice and divide power in Qajar Iranian society. This global movement, which had led to political-social developments in Ottoman and other Asian countries and even in Russia, also created changes in the structure of politics, balance of power and rule of law in Iran. During these changes and developments, due to the lack of unity of popular demands and the resistance of the ruling body to adjust its absolute power, armed tensions to the extent of civil war between the million and the government took place, and dozens of other social-political concepts, besides being general, were repeatedly said and demanded in circles, associations, and publications without defining the executive guarantee.
The current research, with analytical method and approach, seeks to express the demands of Urmia's constitutionalists based on the analysis of the content of Farida newspaper. What changes have these demands seen over time?
The findings of the present research show that the people of Urmia, like other people of Azerbaijan and all over Iran, had big requests such as freedom, freedom, rights and national rights from the very beginning of constitutionalism, and these requests were reflected in Farid Urmia newspaper, but gradually with the weakening of the authority. Government and nomadic uprising, the constitutionalist requests of the people of Urmia have been reduced to the rank of the people's demands and the priority of the requests has been to maintain security.

Abstract Local history, along with other types of historiography, has been one of the fields that Iranian historians have explored and produced valuable works. This type of historiography, centered on topography, provides valuable insights into the social, economic, cultural, history, geography, rulers and rulers, and political developments of a specific city and region, which is less common in other types of historiography, such as general or dynasties. Today, historical research with a social and civilizational approach to local histories has gained a prominent position, and their reports, along with other sources and texts, are very helpful in depicting the faces of cities and examining the socio-economic and cultural developments of different regions. In the meantime, rereading old documents, accessing existing documents among private custodians of documents, and utilizing existing resources, contribute greatly to the flourishing and dynamism of this knowledge. The province of Qohestan (present-day South Khorasan), despite its harsh climatic conditions and the lack of official historians in the later centuries before the 13th century AH, has been a turbulent and influential region in the political, scientific, and cultural history of the east of the country and even the country at times. In this part of the country, there have been scholars and clerics who may have been left anonymous by local historians. With the help of documentary studies, the existence of reliable documents, and family archives, some of these scholars have been revived and revived. Therefore, this article introduces one of the famous and renowned scholars of Qohestan (whose name was not mentioned in later sources), Ayatollah Mohammad Hassan Hardangi, through documentary and archival studies.

Abstract The present study examines Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s objectives in financing the mirrorwork of the shrine of Imam Ali through the use of the assets of Astan Quds Razavi. The research adopts a descriptive-analytical method and is organized on the basis of an unpublished documentary collection entitled “Payment of the Expenses of the Mirrorwork of the Holy Shrine of Hazrat Ali from the Revenues of Astan Quds.” The central question of the article is this: why did a monarch whose lifestyle had distanced itself from religious norms finance the mirrorwork of the sanctuary of Imam Ali from the revenues of Astan Quds? The findings show that, during the period 1950-1952, in terms of the balance of power, this was one of the most difficult phases for the legitimacy and public acceptance of the Second Pahlavi monarchy. The Mosaddeq government and the atmosphere generated by the Oil Nationalization Movement constrained the Shah’s political room for maneuver. In such a context, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi turned, in a symbolic act, to the mirrorwork of the shrine of Imam Ali, seeking thereby to reconstruct his relationship with Shi’ism and to create the conditions for fashioning the image of a Shi’i king in both the national and transnational spheres. In this process, Astan Quds, with its relatively accumulated wealth, distinctive economic structure, and institutional position, whose custodianship was defined in connection with the monarchy, became the institution of choice, and it financed the greater part of the costs associated with this undertaking. Through the channel of a waqf-based institution, the Second Pahlavi sought both to perform an overt act in support of the most sacred Shi’i site and, at the symbolic level, to reconstruct the image of a “Shi’i king.” This decision could also serve as a reminder to the clerical establishment and to the religious strata of public opinion that the most important Shi’i endowment institution occupied an effective place within the network of royal power. the Second Pahlavi aimed to transform an artistic-religious project into an instrument for repairing and reconstructing the image of the monarchy, that is, for producing legitimacy and public acceptance.