Journal of Documentary and Archival Studies

Abstract Abstract
In the early twentieth century, the constitutional movement in Iran sought to establish justice and promote a more equitable distribution of political power within Qajar society. This transnational movement, which had precipitated far-reaching political and social transformations in the Ottoman Empire, various Asian polities, and even Russia, likewise engendered significant structural changes in Iran’s political order, the configuration of power, and the institutionalization of the rule of law. Amid these transformations, the lack of consensus among popular demands, coupled with the ruling elite’s resistance to curtailing its absolutist authority, gave rise to armed confrontations that escalated into a civil conflict between the constitutionalists and the forces of the state. These conflicts, in turn, marginalized the foundational principles of constitutionalism. The key contributions of this study are threefold: (1) introducing the Faryad newspaper, which was published in Urmia during the Constitutional period; (2) examining the political and social demands articulated by Urmia’s elites during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution; and (3) tracing shifts in the political and social demands of Urmia’s political elites from the outset of the Constitutional movement through the end of the Faryad newspaper’s publication.
Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, this study seeks to identify and elucidate the demands of the constitutionalists of Urmia through a content analysis of articles published in the Faryad newspaper.
The main research questions are as follows: Based on the contents of the Faryad newspaper, what political and social demands were articulated by the constitutionalists of Urmia? How did the demands of the constitutionalists of Urmia evolve over the course of the Constitutional movement?
The findings indicate that, from the outset of the Constitutional movement, the people of Urmia, like other communities across Azerbaijan and Iran, articulated demands for freedom, liberty, national rights, and related political and social aspirations. These demands were reflected in the pages of the Faryad newspaper published in Urmia. Over time, however, as state authority weakened and borderland tribal groups became increasingly restive, the constitutionalists’ demands in Urmia gradually receded in priority, giving way to more immediate popular concerns. The preservation of security consequently emerged as the foremost priority among their demands.
Introduction
Urmia, the second-largest city in Azerbaijan, experienced a period of considerable political and social upheaval during the Constitutional Revolution. The Faryad newspaper, the first reputable nationalist publication in Urmia, played a significant role in disseminating the modern political and social ideas of the time. Urmia was the first city in the Qajar domains to have its own newspaper, despite not being the provincial capital.
The first issue of the newspaper was published on 21 Muharram 1325 AH / 14 Esfand 1285 SH, while its twenty-third and final issue appeared on 6 Dhu al-Qa'dah 1325 AH / 25 Tir 1286 SH. Following the bombardment of the Majles and the consolidation of power by state-backed opponents of the Constitutional movement, the Faryad newspaper, like other nationalist publications, ceased publication as the constitutional order was disrupted.
For a considerable period, the central concern of numerous treatises, books, and periodicals was the Constitutional movement and the examination of its nature. In fact, the meaning of constitutionalism, its interpretation and explication, and even legal notions such as the demand for rights, the protection of rights, and dozens of other demands remained unclear in public forums, periodicals, and public discourse in the absence of a clear definition of its nature and mechanisms of implementation. Even interpretations and readings of constitutionalism varied across different regions, particularly in Azerbaijan, with Tabriz as its principal center and regional centers such as Rasht, Zanjan, Urmia, Ardabil, and Qazvin, in contrast to cities such as Isfahan. This was because Azerbaijani constitutionalism was, on the one hand, directly influenced by the two Social Democratic schools of thought in Baku and Tiflis, which drew their intellectual inspiration from Russia, and, on the other hand, was shaped by the ideas of the Ottoman Union and Progress movement. Research Questions: What were the principal demands of Urmia’s constitutionalists? How did these demands evolve, as reflected in the Faryad newspaper? More broadly, what did the people of Urmia seek during the Constitutional period?
Research Methodology
This study employs a qualitative historical approach, drawing primarily on archival issues of the Faryad newspaper and supplemented by relevant published library sources.
Research Findings
In the early twentieth century, the Constitutional movement and the idea of a more equitable distribution of power between the state and the nation gave rise to significant political and social transformations in Qajar Iran, the Ottoman Empire, and even Russia. In its early stages, constitutional discourse remained broad and relatively unspecific, centering on notions such as progress, prosperity, the protection of rights, welfare, security, reform, the establishment of the National Consultative Assembly, well-being, the interests of the state and the nation, the public good, and the major and essential needs of the people. In fact, principles and concepts such as constitutionalism, the demand for rights, the protection of rights, and dozens of other terms were repeatedly invoked in forums, associations, and periodicals, yet remained broadly formulated and undefined in terms of their practical mechanisms of implementation. Gradually, more complex demands articulated by both constitutionalists and secularists were incorporated into the discourse. In Azerbaijan, these demands found expression in other freedom-oriented formulations, including “herald of reform,” “advocate of progress,” “patriotism,” “freedom of expression,” and “love of the homeland,” as reflected in the Faryad newspaper. Threats from factions opposed to the armed struggle of Urmia’s constitutionalists led to a marked shift in the content of the Faryad newspaper from issue no. 13 onward. Unlike the earlier issues, its coverage thereafter contained few references to the principal demands and fundamental principles of constitutionalism. Instead, the newspaper largely focused on reports of border clashes with the Ottoman Empire and the ongoing confrontations and skirmishes between Kurdish tribal groups and the armed constitutionalist forces in western Azerbaijan.
An examination of all 23 issues of the Faryad newspaper reveals that, amid these political and social transformations, several factors—including the lack of uniformity in popular demands, the ruling authorities’ resistance to curtailing their absolute power, armed conflicts that approached the scale of a civil war between the constitutionalists and government forces, tribal Kurdish uprisings, and the broader deterioration of security in western Azerbaijan, particularly in Urmia and Salmas—contributed to the marginalization of the initial principles of constitutionalism in the region.

Abstract Abstract
As one of the most important sources for scholarly research, historical documents hold considerable significance and value in historical studies and serve as a record of the transformations undergone by human societies. This study seeks to offer new insights into the Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj , a distinct type of administrative register employed during the Qajar period, by examining its physical characteristics and content. The significance of these documents lies in the valuable information they provide on the bureaucratic system of the middle Qajar period. The Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj are organized into two main sections, namely Awarij, and Tawjihat and Muqarrarat. The Awarij section is further divided into two parts: Abwab al-Mal and Arbab al-Tahawil and al-Tahasil. Abwab al-Mal itself was divided into two sections: taxes and Saʾir al-Wujuh. The tax section recorded revenues derived from the tribal territories (Eilat), livestock holdings (Ahshamat), and provinces (Velayat). The Velayat were administered under the mamaleks of Azerbaijan, Khorasan, Gilan, Mazandaran, Iraq, and Fars. The Saʾir al-Wujuh section comprised the Furūʿāt of the Velayat and other revenue categories. The Arbab al-Tahawil and al-Tahasil section, in turn, consisted of the Tahawildars of the royal establishments (Buyutat) and the tax collectors (Tahsil-dars). The Tawjihat and Muqarrarat section covered administrative expenditures, on the basis of which Barats were issued. The Muqarrarat section was further divided into three parts—Eilat, Velayat, and Mutafarreqat—and contained copies of royal decrees serving as documentary evidence for the expenditures.
Introduction
The Department of Documents and Press Affairs of the Astan Quds Razavi Organization of Libraries and Museums, one of the major archival centers in eastern Iran, houses valuable documentary collections covering a wide range of subjects. Among these is the collection acquired from Mohsen Meshkini. The collection comprises 33,943 pages and covers virtually all geographical regions of Iran. Of this total, 15,065 pages consist of Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj, while 15,990 pages comprise Daftar-e Dastur al-ʿAmal. The collection contains 27 Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj. Of these, six, comprising a total of 13,139 pages, are complete and intact, with wooden covers. The remaining 21, comprising 1,926 pages, are incomplete. The largest Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj consists of 3,081 pages, whereas the smallest contains only two pages. Research Objective The primary objective of this study is to introduce Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj as a distinct type of Daftar-e Divani and to examine its methods of compilation and organization. Another objective is to familiarize archival cataloguers with the structure and details of these registers in order to enhance the quality and accuracy of their cataloguing practices. The significance of this study lies in introducing a valuable documentary collection held at the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center. The collection provides comprehensive and valuable information on the bureaucratic organization of the Naseri period, as well as on the methods of compiling and recording various types of Daftar-e Divani, particularly those preserved in the form of Daftar-e Divani registers. Furthermore, identifying, organizing, and analyzing the structure and arrangement of this type of Daftar-e Divani could provide archival centers with a practical framework for organizing and reconstructing scattered folios belonging to similar documentary materials.Given the significance of manuscripts and historical documents in historical research, as well as the greater credibility that their citation lends to historical scholarship, this study seeks to highlight the position and significance of Daftar-e Divani within the broader body of historical sources. It also aims to draw attention to their substantial contribution to contemporary historiography, a role that has received relatively limited scholarly attention to date. The research questions are as follows: Who was responsible for compiling and maintaining the Daftar-e Divani? What informational value do these documents hold? What was the content structure and method of compilation of the Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj as a type of Daftar-e Divani? What were the physical structure and format of these registers? This study also seeks to address these questions by examining the Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj in terms of its physical structure, informational value, and content structure. In examining the physical characteristics and documentary features of the Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj , the study first discusses the type of paper used, dimensions, script, and methods of document production. The study then examines the informational value of these registers (Dafater-e Divani), their methods of compilation and organization, and the meanings of the relevant Siyāq and Divani terminology. To provide readers with a clearer understanding of the structure of the Daftar-e Divani, tables and diagrams are also employed throughout the study.
Research methodology
This study employs an archival-analytical research method with a descriptive approach, based on an examination of 15,065 pages of documents preserved at the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center. The chronological scope of the documents examined in this study extends from 1252 AH to 1316 AH. The study seeks to address the research questions by examining the content and methods of compilation and organization of these registers. Literature Review
Limited research has been conducted on the identification and introduction of various types of Daftar-e Divani dating from the Safavid period. Among these studies are the following: “An Examination of the Daftar-e Divani and Financial Registers of the Astan Quds Razavi in the Safavid Period: The Awarij Section,” by Salem Hosseinzadeh Soreshjani, published in the fourth volume of Daftar-e Asnad; “An Examination of the Structure of the Daftar-e Tawjihat in the Safavid Period,” by Houshang Khosravi-Bigi and Elaheh Mahboub, published in the Journal of Iranian Studies; and the book Financial Registers of the Safavid Period: An Examination of the Physical and Content Structure of the Daftar-e Tawjihat, by Elaheh Mahboub Farimani. With regard to the registers of the Qajar period, Asadollah Abdoli Ashtiani authored a two-volume work entitled The History of Education, Bureaucracy, and Accounting Mathematics. The work primarily provides a brief introduction to the registers, offers general definitions of Divani concepts and terminology, and provides instruction in the practice of Siyāq writing. his study seeks to provide a comprehensive, page-by-page examination of the folios and details of the Qajar-period Daftar-e Sar-reshteh, with each aspect documented through supporting images. In this respect, the present study differs from previous research.
Research Findings The examination of the physical characteristics of the documents revealed that the Daftar-e Divani under study were written on light cream-colored, sized European paper. The documents vary in size, measuring 12 × 20 cm and 11 × 19 cm. Their compilation and organization followed the conventions of Siyāq writing. In terms of physical format, the documents are in the form of Fard and were compiled as Daftar-e Divani and booklets. An examination of the Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj revealed that these registers were organized into two main sections: Awarij and Tawjihat and Muqarrarat. The Awarij section was divided into two parts: Abwab al-Mal and Arbab al-Tahawil and al-Tahasil. The Abwab al-Mal section comprised taxes and Saʾir al-Wujuh. The tax section recorded revenues derived from three domains: Eilat, Ahshamat, and Velayat. Eilat encompassed the tribes and tribal groups of the country. The Velayat encompassed the provinces of the six mamaleks: Azerbaijan, Khorasan, Gilan, Mazandaran, Iraq, and Fars. The Saʾir al-Wujuh section comprised the Furūʿāt of the Velayat and other revenues, including Pishkashi, Tazkira, Khilʿat, Mirabi, Muzhda-ye Fath, and Wujuh-e Havayi. The Arbab al-Tahawil and al-Tahasil section included the Tahawildars of the royal establishments and dignitaries. The Tahsil-dars, in turn, consisted of tax collectors. The Tawjihat section contained instructions for Barat issuance, on the basis of which Barats were issued to cover administrative expenditures. The Muqarrarat section was divided into three parts—Eilat, Velayat, and Mutafarreqat—and contained copies of Farmān-e Shāhān in the Daftar-e Sarreshteh jam va kharj as documentary evidence of expenditures. An examination of the methods and procedures of calculation can provide valuable insights into the bureaucratic and financial organization of Iran during the Qajar period and, consequently, enhance our understanding of the ways in which these registers (Dafater sar-reshteh) were compiled and maintained. Examining the content of these registers can also make a significant contribution to the writing of local histories and the documentation of prominent figures associated with different geographical regions.

Abstract Abstract
Waqf deeds constitute important primary sources for examining patterns of property ownership, asset allocation, and women’s participation in the religious and social life of local communities. Although previous scholarship has addressed various legal, economic, and religious dimensions of women’s waqf, the waqf practices of women in Amol and Babol during the First Pahlavi period remain underexplored, particularly through the systematic analysis of waqf deeds. This study aims to elucidate patterns of women’s waqf practices in the two cities and to examine the relationship between the types of endowed properties and local economic conditions and patterns of property ownership. It also investigates similarities and differences in the purposes of these endowments. The study employs content analysis of seven women’s waqf deeds dated between 1305 and 1319 SH. The findings indicate that women endowed various types of property, including agricultural land, residential properties, gardens, rural properties, and commercial premises. Agricultural land, gardens, and residential properties are more prominent in the Amol deeds, whereas the Babol deeds document not only agricultural land but also shops and other commercial premises. By contrast, the purposes of the endowments in both cities were largely similar, focusing primarily on mourning ceremonies and religious observances associated with Imam Husayn, including taʿziyeh performances, rowzeh-khani (religious lamentation recitations), and the provision of food for mourners. The principal difference between the two cities therefore lay not in the religious orientation of the women who established these endowments, but in the types of property they endowed and the economic resources available to support their intended purposes. The evidence suggests that women’s waqf practices constituted a form of religious and social participation shaped by local patterns of property ownership and resource allocation.
Introduction
Waqf deeds are valuable primary sources for the study of social history because they provide documentary evidence of property ownership, asset allocation, and participation in religious and social life. In addition to identifying the properties endowed and specifying how their revenues were to be used, these documents can reveal the nature of the assets available to endowers and the priorities that shaped their allocation. In the case of women, waqf deeds offer an opportunity to examine their ownership of property, their capacity to dispose of assets through endowment, and their participation in the religious and social affairs of their local communities.
Although previous studies have examined the legal, economic, and religious dimensions of women’s waqf, documentary evidence concerning women’s waqf practices in Amol and Babol during the First Pahlavi period remains insufficiently explored. This study examines women’s waqf practices in the two cities and investigates whether differences in their local economic conditions and patterns of property ownership were reflected in the types of properties they endowed. It also compares the purposes specified in the deeds to determine whether differences in the composition of endowed properties corresponded to differences in the religious and social objectives pursued by the endowers. The study thus distinguishes between the purposes of waqf and the material resources through which those purposes were supported.
Materials and Methods
The study employs content analysis as its research method. Its documentary corpus consists of seven waqf deeds established by women in Amol and Babol and dated between 1305 and 1319 SH. The deeds were selected on the basis of their attribution to female endowers and the availability of sufficient information concerning the endowed properties, waqf purposes, allocation of revenues, and conditions stipulated by the endowers.
The deeds were analyzed with particular attention to the type and composition of raqabat (properties endowed as waqf), the basis of ownership, the purposes of the endowments, the allocation of their revenues, and the conditions specified in the documents. The findings from Amol and Babol were then compared to identify similarities and differences in the composition of the endowed properties and the purposes of waqf. To interpret these findings, the study draws on Max Weber’s theory of social action, particularly the distinction between value-rational action and instrumentally rational action. This theoretical framework is used to examine the relationship between the religious purposes of waqf and the selection of material resources through which those purposes were pursued.
Results
The waqf deeds show that the women under study endowed a diverse range of assets, including agricultural land, residential properties, gardens, rural properties, shares in jointly owned properties, and shops. In several cases, the deeds also provide information about the basis of ownership, indicating that some endowed properties were privately owned or inherited by the female endowers. The documents therefore provide evidence of women’s property ownership and their use of personal or inherited assets to establish waqf endowments.
A comparison of the two cities reveals a distinct difference in the composition of raqabat. In Amol, agricultural land, gardens, trees, and residential properties constitute the principal categories of endowed property. In Babol, by contrast, agricultural properties appear alongside shops and other commercial premises. One of the Babol deeds, for example, concerns the endowment of an entire dyeing shop. This difference can be examined in relation to the economic structures and patterns of property ownership in the two local settings. The composition of the endowed properties appears to have been associated with the types of assets available to the women rather than with fundamentally different religious purposes.
The purposes recorded in the deeds display considerably greater similarity. All seven documents, either explicitly or implicitly, provide for mourning ceremonies commemorating Imam Husayn, taʿziyeh performances, rowzeh-khani, or the provision of food for mourners. Only the waqf deed of Karbalāʾiyya Kulthum combines such religious purposes with provisions for the poor, a mosque, a bridge, and other religious or public uses. Within the documentary corpus examined here, this deed is therefore exceptional. The dominant pattern was the allocation of waqf revenues to support and sustain religious observances associated with the commemoration of Imam Husayn.
Discussion and Conclusion
The findings indicate that women’s waqf practices in Amol and Babol cannot be understood solely as acts of personal devotion or as economically motivated transactions. The predominance of purposes associated with mourning Imam Husayn and related religious observances points to the importance of religious values in decisions to establish waqf. At the same time, the selection of properties for endowment was closely connected to the assets available to the endowers and to the economic circumstances of their respective localities.
The principal distinction between Amol and Babol therefore lay not in the religious orientation of women’s waqf purposes but in the material resources through which those purposes were pursued. The prominence of agricultural land, gardens, and residential properties in the Amol deeds, together with the presence of shops alongside agricultural properties in Babol, suggests that differences in local economic structures and patterns of property ownership shaped the composition of the raqabat. Women in both cities appear to have pursued broadly similar religious objectives while drawing on different forms of property to provide continuing financial support for those objectives.
Viewed through Weber’s theory of social action, the findings suggest an interaction between the value-rational and instrumentally rational dimensions of waqf practices. The religious purposes expressed in the deeds reflected the values that gave meaning to the act of endowment, while the selection of particular properties provided the material means through which those purposes could be sustained. In this respect, waqf emerges from the documents as a form of religious and social participation through which women expressed their religious commitments by endowing property and establishing continuing sources of revenue. Within the limits of the seven deeds examined, women’s waqf practices thus reveal an intersection of religious values, property ownership, and local economic conditions during the First Pahlavi period

Abstract This study adopts a documentary research approach to examine the establishment and development of radio and television facilities operated by the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) in Isfahan, from the pre-revolutionary period to the inauguration of the Isfahan Provincial Television Network. It traces the establishment, relocation, and expansion of IRIB facilities within Isfahan’s historical urban context and examines their role in extending public broadcasting services and producing media content relevant to local and regional audiences. The study draws on official documents, historical reports, archival materials, and expert interviews.
The findings indicate that Isfahan’s first radio station was established in 1328 SH at the Officers’ Club on Ostandari Street. It was subsequently relocated to Farahabad Barracks, Shamsabadi Street, and Azar Street. The establishment of transmission facilities at Marshinan in 1354 SH, Habibabad in 1361 SH, and Kuh-e Panjeh in 1373 SH transformed Isfahan’s broadcasting infrastructure from a centralized urban system into a geographically distributed regional network. Following the Islamic Revolution, the Khaju complex, formerly the site of the wool-spinning and weaving factory, was repurposed as a center for IRIB’s broadcasting and production activities. The conceptual analysis identifies three principal factors that shaped the spatial distribution of these facilities: the securitization of space, the transition from industrial to media use, and regionalization.
Extended abstract
As an influential institution in cultural and social transformation, provincial broadcasting has played a significant role in expanding public access to information and producing media content relevant to local audiences. Adopting a documentary research approach, this study examines the sites, buildings, and transmission and broadcasting facilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) in Isfahan, from the pre-revolutionary period to the inauguration of the Isfahan Provincial Television Network. It traces the historical development and spatial expansion of IRIB facilities in Isfahan and analyzes their contribution to the dissemination of information and the development of local and regional programming. The significance of this subject lies in the fact that broadcasting facilities are not merely physical spaces housing technical equipment; they also embody the political, social, and technological transformations and power relations that have shaped different historical periods. Accordingly, the study addresses the following central research question: How did IRIB facilities in Isfahan emerge, relocate, and expand over time, and what factors shaped the selection of their locations?
Material and method
This study employs a documentary and historical research approach. Data were collected from multiple sources, including official documents held by the National Library and Archives of Iran (Sākmā), the archives of the Isfahan Provincial Broadcasting Center, historical reports, library resources, and oral interviews with former experts and managers of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB). The documentary sources examined include a report on the installation of loudspeakers by the British Consulate on Chaharbagh-e Abbasi Street (1322 SH); a document recording the renaming of the General Department of Publications and Propaganda as the General Department of Information and Radio; a document concerning the prevention of police radio operations (1330 SH); documents relating to the relocation of studios; records concerning the acquisition of the Pashm-Baf factory; and documents pertaining to the transfer of land and buildings to IRIB. In addition, interviews were conducted with technical engineers, legal experts, and retired IRIB managers, with relevant interview material cited in the main text. The data were analyzed through chronological reconstruction and conceptual analysis of places, guided by the concepts of centralization, the securitization of space, the transition from industrial to media use, and regionalization.
Findings
The findings indicate that Isfahan’s first radio broadcasting unit was established in 1328 SH at the Officers’ Club on Ostandari Street. Its programs were transmitted via a 75-kilowatt transmitter operated by the Isfahan Army Division. Following the coup d’état of 28 Mordad 1332 SH, Radio Isfahan’s studio was relocated to the Farahabad military barracks. In 1333 SH, it was moved again, this time to a site housing wireless communication equipment. In Farvardin 1337 SH, a rented house on Shamsabadi Street, formerly known as Shahnaz Street and located adjacent to Sina Hospital, was designated to accommodate the various departments of the General Department of Publications and Radio. In 1339 SH, the Endowments Administration allocated a plot of land on Taj Alley, off Azar Street, to Radio Isfahan. A new building was subsequently constructed on the site, comprising a radio studio, four administrative offices, and twelve residential rooms. In 1337 SH, a 1-kilowatt medium-wave transmitter was installed on Bozorgmehr Street, extending Radio Isfahan’s daily broadcasting schedule to six hours.
In 1341 SH, new studios equipped with Ampex recording equipment and a 10-kilowatt transmitter began operating, extending daily broadcasting time to sixteen hours. In 1350 SH, radio and television services were merged to form the National Iranian Radio and Television (NIRT). During this period, a plot of land at the site of present-day Saadi Park, formerly known as Kourosh Park, was allocated for the construction of a broadcasting facility after being transferred to the broadcasting organization by the incumbent mayor.
In 1352 SH, Isfahan Television began broadcasting its Second Channel using a 50-watt transmitter operating on Channel 8. The signal was relayed through the Oil Company’s microwave link, which connected the sites at Darvazeh Shiraz and the sugar factory. In 1354 SH, the Marshinan station was established approximately 100 kilometers east of Isfahan in cooperation with the Air Force. The transmitters serving the First and Second Television Channels were subsequently relocated to this station. In 1357 SH, two 5-kilowatt transmitters were installed at Marshinan. Following the 1979 Revolution, the Habibabad transmitter was commissioned in 1360 SH, and a medium-wave radio station was established there in 1361 SH. On 16 Dey 1373 SH, the Kuh-e Panjeh station became operational with 2-kilowatt transmitters.
The present-day building of the Isfahan Provincial Broadcasting Center, located on Chaharbagh-e Khaju Street, formerly housed the Isfahan Wool Spinning and Weaving Factory, commonly known as the Pashm-Baf factory, which was established in 1314 SH. The factory went bankrupt during the 1340s SH. In 1349 SH, NIRT won the auction to acquire the factory complex, and the final deed of ownership transfer was executed on 23 Khordad 1356 SH.
Following the Islamic Revolution, the entrance to the factory was taken over by the Construction Jihad Organization (Jahād-e Sāzandegī). In 1361 SH, following mediation by the provincial governor’s office, the northern section of the site was transferred to the broadcasting organization in the first phase of the handover. On 3 Azar 1362 SH, the entire complex was transferred to the organization. The transport unit and the maintenance units responsible for television and FM transmitters were the first departments to relocate to the Khaju complex. The radio production unit was subsequently moved from Azar Street, followed by the television production units.
Discussion and conclusion
A conceptual analysis of the sites occupied by the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) in Isfahan reveals that these locations reflect the city’s political, social, and technological transformations over the past century. The gradual relocation of broadcasting facilities—from the Officers’ Club and Farahabad Barracks to Azar Street and Saadi Park, and ultimately to the Khaju complex—illustrates their progressive integration into the urban fabric and the transition from military-controlled spaces to civilian broadcasting facilities.
Security considerations, particularly in the aftermath of the coup d’état of 28 Mordad 1332 SH and during the Iran–Iraq War, were among the principal factors shaping the location and relocation of IRIB facilities. The establishment of transmission stations in the elevated areas of Marshinan and Kuh-e Panjeh, together with the use of Habibabad as a refuge for personnel during the war, underscores the importance assigned to physical security and communications security in the development of Isfahan’s provincial broadcasting network.
The conversion of the former Pashm-Baf factory into the Khaju complex illustrates the transition from industrial to media use, transforming a bankrupt industrial facility into a center for broadcasting production and transmission. This transformation also reflects the complex power dynamics between state institutions and organizations established during the early post-revolutionary years. The establishment of transmission stations at Marshinan, Habibabad, and Kuh-e Panjeh marked a turning point in the development of broadcasting in Isfahan, extending signal coverage beyond the urban center to reach wider regional audiences. This expansion reflected a broader coverage strategy aimed at reaching the largest possible population across Isfahan Province and neighboring provinces. It also coincided with the division of Iran into eight technical regions in 1355 SH, indicating the emergence of a more systematic approach to the geographical organization of broadcasting at the national level.
Taken together, the sites associated with broadcasting in Isfahan—from the installation of the first loudspeaker at the British Consulate on Chaharbagh-e Abbasi Street to the extensive Khaju complex—provide valuable insights into the region’s political, social, and technological history. Tracing this historical trajectory can inform urban planners and media administrators in planning future facilities that respond to local identities and foster stronger connections between broadcasting institutions and the public.

Abstract Introduction
From a historical perspective, examining mirrorwork in Shiʿi shrines involves more than the study of an artistic technique or decorative tradition; it also provides an opportunity to explore the cultural, institutional, and political dimensions of these sacred spaces. The Holy Shrine of Imam ʿAli in Najaf, as one of the most significant sites of Shiʿi historical and affective memory, has undergone successive phases of restoration, expansion, and ornamentation, with Iranians also playing a role in some of these interventions. Nevertheless, information on these interventions relies less on archival records than on general accounts, scattered narratives, and unsystematic references. The central concern of this study is to examine the political and ideological dimensions of the mirrorwork undertaken in part of the Imam ʿAli Shrine in 1950–1951, with the patronage and support of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The significance of this issue lies in the fact that historiographical studies of the Shiʿi holy shrines have often struggled to reconstruct, with precision, the processes through which such projects were carried out, their sources of funding, the administrative channels through which decisions were made, and the roles played by the various actors involved. Consequently, an important aspect of the historical reality underlying such projects has remained insufficiently documented and examined. The central question is: how a monarch who, according to accounts by some of those close to him, did not demonstrate a strong commitment to religious observance, and whose personal lifestyle was perceived as markedly at odds with religious norms, came to order that the costs of the mirrorwork at the Ali's Shrine be financed from the revenues of the Astan Quds Razavi. The Shah’s decision may therefore be interpreted not simply as a direct reflection of his personal beliefs, but rather in relation to the crisis of monarchical legitimacy, his patterns of political action, his symbolic affiliations with Shiʿism, and what some interpretations have conceptualized under the notion of “primitive religion.” Nevertheless, such an interpretation can be substantiated only through a rigorous examination of primary evidence rather than reliance on generalized narratives. By drawing on the unpublished documentary collection “Payment of the Expenses of the Mirrorwork at the Holy Shrine of ʿAli from the Revenues of Astan Quds,” preserved in the Astan Quds Razavi Archives, it becomes possible to reconstruct the financial, administrative, and operational details of the project. The documents comprise official correspondence, expense statements, payment orders, checks, follow-up reports, and records relating to the allocation and transfer of funds. Taken together, they provide not only a basis for determining the amounts and stages of payment, but also valuable insights into the network of institutions involved, the procedures through which the project was monitored, and the roles of key individuals in its implementation. Accordingly, this study seeks to move beyond a mere description of the stages involved in an architectural decorative project and to demonstrate how, against the backdrop of a political and religious crisis, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi sought to enhance his legitimacy and public acceptance through an act that combined artistic and religious dimensions.
Research Methodology
This study adopts a descriptive-analytical methodology within a historical-documentary framework to examine the mirrorwork undertaken in part of the Ali's Shrine during the contemporary period, drawing on archival documents preserved in the Astan Quds Razavi Archives. The archival corpus comprises an unpublished documentary collection entitled “Payment of the Expenses of the Mirrorwork at the Holy Shrine of ʿAli from the Revenues of Astan Quds” (34 pages, in Persian; archival reference no. 90444; record no. 1075586). Data were collected through direct consultation of the archival materials, systematic cataloguing, digital imaging, and the complete transcription of the documents. This archival collection comprises inactive administrative records relating to financial accounting, classified as “Highly Important” and preserved in the repository of the Astan Quds Document Administration. In contrast to previous studies, which have relied predominantly on field observations and stylistic analysis, the present study draws on detailed financial and administrative records that document the various stages of the mirrorwork project in one of the most prominent pilgrimage sites in the Shiʿi world. These archival materials make it possible to reconstruct, with greater precision, the economic, administrative, and operational dimensions of mirrorwork as an artistic and architectural practice.
Discussion and Findings
Among the major architectural and cultural initiatives undertaken during the thirty-seven-year reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, his order to the Astan Quds Razavi to finance the mirrorwork at the Alavi Shrine constitutes a particularly significant case. The subsequent attribution of this undertaking to the Shah himself points to a historically consequential act whose significance extends beyond the immediate execution of a decorative project, raising questions about its institutional, political, and symbolic dimensions within the broader context of Pahlavi rule. Although this undertaking ostensibly took shape within a religious and artistic framework, it can also be examined from political and ideological perspectives, as well as through the lens of the psychology of power. At the same time, it may be understood as reflecting the crisis of monarchical legitimacy in the face of the rising tide of nationalism, while also revealing the complex mechanisms through which the monarchical system sought to sustain itself by operating through parallel institutions. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s decision to provide financial resources for the mirrorwork at the Ali's Shrine, undertaken within a society in which Shiʿism constituted a central axis of collective memory, affect, and political legitimacy, should not be understood merely as a decorative initiative; rather, it may be interpreted as a political act and a form of the symbolic display of power. Shah confronted with a crisis of legitimacy, but this intervention provided an opportunity to present himself as a patron of the grandeur and prestige of the Alavi Shrine.
Research findings
The crisis of monarchical legitimacy and public acceptance was among the major issues confronting the Pahlavi monarchy during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, prompting the regime to pursue various measures to address it. One such measure was the financing of the mirrorwork at the Alavi Shrine from the revenues of Astan Quds Razavi during the politically critical years of 1329–1330 SH. This undertaking may be interpreted as a strategic choice at the intersection of the crisis of monarchical legitimacy, the financial and administrative constraints facing the royal court, the pressures arising from the nationalization of the oil industry, and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s need to position himself in relation to the Shiʿi world. As the Mosaddegh government’s pressure on the financial resources and constitutional authority of the monarchy, coupled with the growing influence of nationalist and religious forces, increasingly constrained Mohammad Reza Shah’s ability to rely on conventional instruments of royal power, he turned to the financial resources of Astan Quds Razavi as an alternative channel for funding the project. This arrangement enabled the Shah to undertake the initiative outside the direct oversight of the official state budget and, at the same time, to present it to religiously oriented segments of the public as a legitimate act of service to Shiʿism. The selection of Astan Quds Razavi carried a multilayered political and symbolic significance. It demonstrated that the monarchy retained access to financial resources beyond the formal state budget, situated the largest Shiʿi endowment within the sphere of royal authority, and enabled the monarch to present himself as a patron of the grandeur of the sacred shrines. Viewed in this context, the mirrorwork at the Alavi Shrine may be understood as part of a broader effort to reconstruct the public image of the monarchy and to cultivate the symbolic persona of the “Shiʿi king,” thereby strengthening its claims to public acceptance and monarchical legitimacy.